Illustration: Liu Rui/GT

Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced on November 18 that he would dissolve the House of Representatives soon and call a snap general election slated for December 14. On November 21, Bunmei Ibuki, speaker of the lower house of the National Diet, confirmed the dissolution at a plenary session after the approval of the Japanese emperor.

This House of Representatives should come up for election in December 2016. However, according to the Constitution of Japan, the prime minister can dissolve the lower house at any time with the approval of the emperor. This is a formality, since Japanese emperors in the post-WWII era have never objected to any resolution made by the cabinet.

The lower house is of enormous significance in Japanese politics, enjoying a higher status than the upper house, also known as the House of Councilors.

Since the end of WWII, Japanese prime ministers have dissolved the lower house many times. The latest was the 23rd dissolution since the Constitution of Japan came into effect on May 3, 1947.

There were no major difficulties facing the Abe administration before the dissolution of the lower house. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner the Komeito held 325 of all the 480 seats. Therefore, awkward quandaries like a "twisted Diet" could not occur.

Opposition parties were on the decline, with the Democratic Party of Japan suffering from severe disunity and the now-defunct Your Party on the verge of dissolution.

Many Japanese people have criticized Abe for neglecting public opinion, and think that the general election should not come together with a postponement of a consumption tax hike and proposals for further economic stimulus. There have been complaints about the looming vote, to be launched just before the New Year.

In opinion polls released recently, an overwhelming 75 percent of those surveyed said they had not felt the positive impact of an economic recovery during the past two years since Abe retook office in December 2012, and 49 percent said they had no expectation that Abenomics would bring about a recovery. Support for the cabinet has now hit its lowest in Abe's second term.

The public is losing confidence in Abenomics and the ruling party, which may translate into a reduction in the number of seats occupied by the LDP-Komeito coalition in the new House of Representatives.

An even more damaging consequence may be that Abe will likely have to eat his own words. He once said at a press conference, "If the LDP-Komeito coalition doesn't keep its majority, we cannot push forward the three arrows and Abenomics. If we don't get a majority, it would be a rejection of Abenomics, and I would resign."

The Abe administration has been confronted with a crisis of confidence since he reshuffled the cabinet in September. His politics came across problems after Abenomics' failure forced down his approval ratings.

Two female cabinet members resigned amid political scandals, with money scandals threatening to swallow at least three other members. The Japanese government has been enveloped by the shadow these scandals cast.

Therefore, Abe decided to adopt a "preemptive defense" by holding the general election two years earlier, believing a new election may help remove these tainted elements from the Diet and build a good image for his cabinet.

Apparently, Abe has carefully considered the snap poll. For him, long-term, stable rule is the top priority, though the current coalition party may lose some seats. It is predictable that Abe will win the December vote, and his position within the LDP may even be further consolidated.

But there will not be fundamental changes in Japan's domestic politics and foreign policy after the election as long as Abe stays in office. His nationalist ambition will continue, with his attempt to revise Japan's pacifist constitution and to promote faltering Abenomics. Unfortunately, these efforts will be of little help in Japan's recovery.

The author is an associate professor at the Department of International Politics, China University of International Relations. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn